Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

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Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por skye » 22 Jul 2019 09:59

Dimite el primer ministro de Kosovo al ser citado en La Haya por crímenes de guerra

La inesperada dimisión este viernes del primer ministro de Kosovo, Ramush Haradinaj, por haber sido citado como sospechoso ante un Tribunal con sede en La Haya y especializado en crímenes de guerra, pone al pequeño país balcánico al borde de una crisis política.

Haradinaj, de 51 años, líder de la nacionalista Alianza para el Futuro de Kosovo (AAK) y antiguo comandante guerrillero, encabezaba el Gobierno de coalición desde septiembre de 2017.

Es uno de los políticos más populares e influyentes de Kosovo, considerado un héroe por muchos albanokosovares.

En rueda de prensa en Pristina, aseguró que su dimisión es "irrevocable" y admitió que se debe a la citación por parte del Tribunal especial para los crímenes cometidos en Kosovo, una nueva corte con sede en La Haya pero que se rige por las leyes kosovares.

En este contexto, avanzó que tiene previsto viajar la próxima semana a Holanda para declarar ante los jueces.

La citada corte, establecida en 2015 pero que aún no ha emitido sus primeras acusaciones, juzgará los crímenes cometidos entre el 1 de enero de 1998 y el 31 de diciembre de 2000, durante, y poco después, de la guerra entre el separatista Ejército de Liberación de Kosovo (UCK) y las fuerzas serbias.

Haradinaj ya había liderado un Gobierno kosovar, aunque solo durante cien días entre 2004 y 2005, pues también en esa ocasión tuvo que dimitir ante la acusación de crímenes de guerra formulada entonces contra él por el Tribunal Penal Internacional para la antigua Yugoslavia (TPIY).

Si bien esa Corte lo absolvió en 2008 y, de nuevo, en 2012, Belgrado ha continuado exigiendo su procesamiento pues lo acusa de crímenes contra la población serbia durante el conflicto, que no se tuvieron en cuenta en el juicio del TPIY.

El nuevo tribunal es un asunto delicado en Kosovo ya que se prevé que la mayoría de los inculpados serán antiguos miembros del UCK, cuyas víctimas fueron serbios y opositores albanokosovares, y se especula que en el banquillo de los acusados podrán tener que sentarse algunos altos dirigentes kosovares que son tenidos por sus compatriotas como "héroes nacionales".

Las tres principales formaciones que integran la actual coalición de Gobierno (el AAK, el Partido Democrático de Kosovo (PDK) -la mayor formación del país- y Nisma), están lideradas por ex comandantes del UCK.

Ante esta situación, que se produce en un momento de tensión con Serbia, Haradinaj abogó hoy por la celebración de elecciones anticipadas, en las que volvería a presentarse su partido.

No obstante, el presidente del país, Hashim Thaci, podría optar por encomendar a otro político la formación del nuevo Gobierno y evitar así la convocatoria a las urnas.

Tras conocer la dimisión del primer ministro, Thaci, que fue uno de los fundadores y principales líderes del Ejército de Liberación, resaltó que "nadie podrá poner en peligro los valores de la libertad ni de la lucha del UCK".

Al anunciar su dimisión, Haradinaj reiteró su postura firme frente a Belgrado, que no reconoce la independencia de Kosovo, al aseguró que el arancel del 100 % a los productos importados de Serbia, impuesto en noviembre pasado por su Gobierno, quedará en vigor a pesar de su cese en el cargo.

El levantamiento del arancel es la condición que exige Belgrado para reiniciar el diálogo de normalización entre las dos partes que se lleva a cabo desde 2011 amparado por la Unión Europea (UE), pero Kosovo ha rechazado hasta ahora las peticiones de la UE y de EEUU de retirar esas medidas.

Haradinaj insistió en que no se levantará el arancel hasta que Serbia reconozca la independencia de Kosovo.

El objetivo de las difíciles negociaciones es alcanzar un acuerdo jurídicamente vinculante entre Pristina y Belgrado, una condición crucial para el acercamiento de ambos países a la UE.

Kosovo, poblado por una gran mayoría de albaneses étnicos, proclamó en 2008 la independencia, reconocida hasta ahora por un centenar de pases, entre ellos Estados Unidos y la mayoría de los socios de la UE, pero no por Rusia, China, España, la India y Brasil, entre otros.
https://www.diariovasco.com/agencias/20 ... 45098.html

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El posible procesamiento de Haradinaj, junto con el de otros antiguos guerrilleros de la organización independentista UCK, se debe a la investigación que está realizando el Tribunal Internacional de La Haya, encargado de juzgar crímenes de guerra, tras el informe realizado por el Consejo de Europa en el que el relator suizo Dick Marty, apuntó a sospechas de que muchos miembros de la actual clase dirigente kosovar, estuvieron implicados en actividades criminales de tipo mafioso, especialmente el asesinato y extracción de órganos a prisioneros serbios para vender esos órganos posteriormente en el mercado negro. Sospechas de las que ya se hizo eco la entonces fiscal del Tribunal Internacional de Justicia, Carla del Ponte.

Haradinaj fue juzgado por el Tribunal de La Haya en dos ocasiones, pero en ambas fue absuelto debido a que los principales testigos que iban a declarar en el procedimiento judicial "se suicidaron", dejando a la Fiscalía sin sus principales pruebas acusatorias. A título personal, a mí Haradinaj siempre me ha parecido un macarra y el "suicido" de tantos testigos apunta directamente a la mafia kosovar, que se encargó de "limpiar" de pruebas el procesamiento a Haradinaj.

A raíz del informe del Consejo de Europa, se creó un tribunal ad hoc en La Haya para investigar las conclusiones del informe. Y ahora están citando para declarar a diferentes políticos kosovares antes de iniciar las citaciones ya como acusados o imputados.

Haradinaj es un político ultra-nacionalista kosovar y actualmente se le considera uno de los principales obstáculos para un posible acuerdo final entre Serbia y Kosovo debido a sus posiciones intransigentes. En ese sentido, está enfrentado al actual presidente kosovar, Hashim Thaci, que tiene una postura más conciliadora.

Nota: En los Balcanes todos los políticos son nacionalistas. El menú consiste en elegir entre un nacionalista estándar y diferentes grados de nacionalismo hasta llegar a los extremadamente nacionalistas. El que no entienda eso, no va a entender absolutamente nada.

La citación realizada por el Tribunal de La Haya, que ha conllevado la dimisión de Haradinaj, puede ser interpretada como que USA, Alemania y Reino Unido (principales apoyos de Kosovo) han "dejado caer" esta ficha para avanzar en la solución del conflicto serbo-kosovar. Otros comentaristas apuntan, sin embargo, a que esta citación puede ser un arma de doble filo. Si el presidente de Kosovo tiene que convocar elecciones ante el vacío de poder, el partido de Haradinaj puede ganar de largo la cita electoral, al considerar muchos kosovares a Haradinaj una especie de "héroe" popular, lo que complicaría cualquier solución.
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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por skye » 24 Jul 2019 12:46

Parece que durante el interrogatorio que le han hecho en el Tribunal de La Haya, Haradinaj se ha negado a responder a las preguntas del fiscal.

Sencillamente se ha presentado, pero no ha querido responder a nada.

http://rs.n1info.com/English/NEWS/a5022 ... tions.html

El diario Blic (el periódico de mayor tirada en Serbia) apunta algún detalle que parece que conocen por filtraciones. Parece que las preguntas de la Fiscalía del Tribunal tenían mucho que ver con la Casa Amarilla.

Según el informe del Consejo de Europa, del resultado de las investigaciones que realizó el relator de dicho Consejo, el suizo Dick Marty, los detenidos por la guerrilla kosovar (UCK), tanto serbios como albaneses acusados de colaborar con los serbios, eran trasladados a Albania por territorio controlado por la guerrilla. Una vez en Albania, se les trasladaba a campos de detenidos y después a la llamada "Casa Amarilla", que era el lugar en el que parece que eran asesinados y se les extraían los órganos vitales para venderlos en el mercado negro.

Haradinaj era el comandante de la guerrilla kosovar en la zona fronteriza con Albania y, por lo tanto, las sospechas apuntan a que él estaba al tanto de esos traslados y facilitaba la trasferencia de esos detenidos hacia territorio albanés.

Asimismo, parece que hay oficiales del ejército albanés que estaban al tanto de lo que estaba sucediendo y de alguna manera sellaron la Casa Amarilla para que nadie supiese qué se estaba haciendo allí.

Haradinaj ha salido ya del Tribunal y está regresando ahora mismo a Kosovo.

Actualmente, el Tribunal de La Haya está citando a sospechosos para tomarles declaración, casi todos ellos miembros de la actual clase política que controla el poder en Kosovo, pero todavía no ha emitido ningún auto de procesamiento ni detención, algo que se espera que haga próximamente.
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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por skye » 25 Jul 2019 13:13

Haradinaj scheduled secret meetings, Hague will open the case of "yellow house"?

After the hearing, outgoing Kosovo's Prime Minister Haradinaj arranged secret meetings with his commanders of former KLA's Operational Zone Pastrik Brigade

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According to daily "Blic", the prosecutor in the Hague had interrogated Haradinaj for an hour, and he refused to answer to his questions.

"Blic" further states, referring to the EULEX sources, that during the conflicts, everything outside the Albanian border could not have happened without the approval of Haradinaj, as this was the part of the region under his control.

"Now, the commanders of the operational zone Pastrik are due to give their statements. It remains to be seen whether the prosecution will bring charges for organ trafficking right away, or they will gradually build "yellow house" case. Nevertheless, the most important outcome of the hearing and investigation is crimes committed in order to trade in organs and the case of a "yellow house", daily quotes the EULEX source.

According to the newspaper sources, there are witnesses who are kept secret, one of them a former KLA driver, who testified that immediately after the withdrawal of the Serbian army and police, Haradinaj brothers organized the imprisonment of the remaining Serbs back in 1999.

"Blic" also reports that there are nine witnesses, four of whom directly participated in the transport of at least 90 Serbs and other non-Albanians for illegal prisons in central and northern Albania.

Three of them delivered prisoners to a house-clinic south of an Albanian town Burrel, also known as the "yellow house", while two witnesses claim to have participated in the transportation of body parts and organs to the airport "Rinas" near Tirana.

"Blic" says that two other former KLA members had received a call from The Hague on Wednesday. One of them is a former Vice Commander of the 128th Brigade of Pastrik Operational Zone, Avdi Ibrahimi, whose interrogation has been scheduled for October 2.
https://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics.p ... _id=107055

Es curioso, porque Haradinaj parece que se presenta "sobrado" ante el Tribunal de La Haya y se ha negado a responder a las preguntas de la Fiscalía.

El hecho de que ya se le haya intentado juzgar dos veces con anterioridad y en ambos casos se tuviese que suspender el juicio porque los testigos de la acusación "se suicidaron", ha hecho que de alguna manera piense que es intocable y que va a salir airoso otra vez.

Pero que se ande con cuidado porque algo me da que en esta ocasión la cosa se le va a complicar. Eso de negarse a responder a las preguntas... no es una buena señal. Es cierto, que es uno de los derechos de cualquier acusado, pero no da en absoluto buena imagen y la Fiscalía puede empezar a sacar conclusiones que no sean del agrado de Haradinaj.

Curioso también que nada más salir de la sede judicial tuviese una reunión secreta con uno de sus subordinados de la guerrilla albanesa, que va a tener también que declarar. Cada uno que lo interprete como quiera, pero lo normal es que la reunión tuviese mucho que ver con eso del: "a ver qué es lo que declaras".

En fin, "continuará".
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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por Asturkick » 29 Jul 2019 01:13

Ya es hora de juzgar a esas malas bestias albanokosovares. La historia fue manipulada por los medios pro-yankees y se juzgó únicamente a los serbios, únicamente porque estos eran aliados de los rusos y porque eran el corazón de Yugoslavia. Los albanokosovares eran unos auténticos demonios que fueron blanqueados, puesto que a Occidente le interesaba que perdieran los serbios. Me solidarizó mucho con ese noble pueblo.
"Estamos ante un paradójico caso de odiosos fascistas pacíficos y virtuosos antifascistas violentos"

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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por skye » 07 Ago 2019 09:57

Rusia parece que pide abrir una base militar en la entidad bosnia controlada por los serbios (República Srpska).

http://ba.n1info.com/English/NEWS/a3605 ... part.html

USA ya tiene en Kosovo la base militar más grande de Europa, Bondsteel, así que supongo que si Rusia abriese una en la República Srpska, empataría el partido.

No termino de entender, eso sí, si eso será posible, porque supongo que esas cosas serán competencia del gobierno central (estatal) de Bosnia-Herzegovina. Lo que ocurre es que es un país tan "sui generis" que a lo mejor hasta no hace falta ese permiso, sino que con la autorización del gobierno serbo-bosnio sería suficiente. Eso lo tengo que ver.

En cualquier caso, lo que son las cosas, :D , ha sido saltar la noticia en los medios, y ya empiezan a echarse las manos a la cabeza todos los palmeros de USA, el Reino Unido y la NATO.

Personalmente, me parece complicada la idea. Primero, habría que confirmar si esos rumores son de verdad ciertos o son fake news. Segundo, lo que va a pasar es que si Serbia está soportando todos los días las presiones de USA y sus becarios-alfombra para que "se rinda" en el asunto de Kosovo, las presiones van a aumentar hasta límites insoportables. Serbia es el Estado "madre" de los serbios de la zona y tiene una influencia importante en los asuntos de los serbios en Bosnia y en Kosovo, así que presionarán a Belgrado para que a su vez presione...

Tercero, porque para hacer llegar material militar a esa hipotética base militar, el material ruso tendría que llegar a Bosnia atravesando países de la NATO (Rumanía, Hungría, etc.) y esos países forman parte de las sanciones económicas impuestas por Occidente a Rusia por lo de Crimea, así que es complicado que permitan el acceso de ese material por su territorio. Otra cosa sería unidades militares de infantería, que podrían llegar a Bosnia incluso en vuelos comerciales.

Y, cuarto, "last but not least", Bosnia-Herzegovina ha celebrado hace 10 meses elecciones generales (elecciones a nivel estatal) y hasta el pasado lunes no fue capaz de formar gobierno. ¿El motivo? Fundamentalmente que hay discrepancias en el asunto de la adhesión de Bosnia a la NATO. Los musulmanes y los croatas la desean, mientras que la entidad serbo-bosnia bloquea cualquier iniciativa en ese sentido. Y para esto es necesario la aprobación de las tres "etnias" (en estos países la cosa funciona por etnias, una cosa rara, pero el que no entienda eso es que no va a entender jamás nada de lo que pasa en esta zona de Europa). Y si los serbios no quieren... Y no quieren por dos motivos: 1. Porque la NATO les estuvo bombardeando meses y el rencor hacia la NATO todavía es muy fuerte, y 2. Porque Serbia no va a entrar en la NATO y los serbo-bosnios se niegan a que su frontera con Serbia (la entidad serbo-bosnia hace frontera directamente con Serbia, concretamente el río Drina es la frontera entre los dos países) sea una frontera militarizada entre la NATO y su país "madre", Serbia; de hecho, no hay unidades militares bosnias desplegadas en la frontera entre la República Srpska y Serbia porque los serbo-bosnios lo rechazan).

En fin, que los Balcanes son entretenidísimos.
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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por skye » 07 Ago 2019 12:12

Y mientras eso pasa en Bosnia, en Serbia el embajador ruso replica con contundencia al embajador USA en el mismo país.

El embajador USA hizo unas declaraciones el otro día aludiendo a la "maligna influencia de Rusia" en Europa. Teniendo en cuenta que las declaraciones las hizo el embajador americano en un país con fuertes lazos con Rusia, como es Serbia, se puede entender que con esas declaraciones apuntaba directamente al gobierno serbio, presionándole para que "volviese a la rectitud" y "al camino de los bienaventurados".

Lo de USA con Rusia, hay que decirlo, es absoluta fijación. Supongo que puestos a hablar de "malignas influencias" habría mucho que decir de USA. Al fin y al cabo, lo que se está jugando en los Balcanes es una feroz lucha geopolítica por las influencias entre USA (con Reino Unido como perrito faldero) y Rusia. Y está ganando por goleada USA, que tiene países que son los pelotas número 1 de USA, como es el caso de los albaneses (tanto de la Albania de toda la vida como de los de Kosovo), y otros como Montenegro y Croacia (ambos, ya en la NATO) o Macedonia del Norte (en trámites de integración en la NATO). Además, cuenta también con el apoyo y la (des)información de los medios de comunicación occidentales que siguen las directrices de Washington y Londres de un modo tan absolutamente sorprendente y acrítico que da casi asco y que se resume en pocas palabras en un: "Serbia, malos malotes; Rusia, el demonio; los demás, colegas y amigos para siempre".

Hay que decir, para ser honestos, que USA ha cambiado un poco sus puntos de vista. Con las Administraciones demócratas, eran como robots: a fulminar a Serbia como sea, a castigarla por ser amigos de los rusos, y siempre apoyando a los contrarios a Serbia. Con la actual Administración republicana, siguen a ese rollo, pero algo más matizado. Lo que quieren es: 1. Que se firme de una vez un acuerdo entre Serbia y Kosovo, y reconocen (algo extraordinario) por primera vez que Serbia tiene intereses legítimos que tiene que proteger, y 2. As usual, que ese acuerdo sirva para acelerar el ingreso de Serbia en la UE y así ir poco a poco difuminando el papel de Rusia como supuesto protector de Serbia.

Rusia sólo cuenta con la simpatía de los serbios. Y con reparos porque Serbia, como he dicho en el comentario anterior, sufre cada vez con más fuerza las presiones de la UE y de USA para que vaya aflojando lazos con Rusia y, por ejemplo, se una a las sanciones contra Rusia.

Bueno, pues el embajador ruso en Belgrado hoy ha contestado al embajador USA. Personalmente, suscribo hasta la última coma las declaraciones del Sr. Kharchenko:

https://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics.p ... _id=107114
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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por skye » 14 Ago 2019 13:15

Thank you Bill!

In 2019 Kosovo is celebrating the 20th anniversary of its liberation and the end of the war

Twenty years ago NATO intervened in the Kosovo war. Bill Clinton, US president at the time of the conflict, has now returned to the country that probably wouldn’t exist without him – and he was celebrated like a pop star



The midday sun beats down on the square in front of the parliament building in Pristina. The leaders of Europe’s youngest state are sweating in their dark suits and blazers. Everyone who has a say in Kosovo is here – ministers, diplomats, the president and the prime minister, ambassadors and foreign guests. A camera drone hovers above the crowd, taking photos from the air. The next day the images circulate on Twitter. As always happens when Kosovo celebrates a holiday, they give rise to controversy. To Albanians, these pictures are an expression of the freedom they have gained. To Serbs, they are a provocation.

The aerial photos show a round podium adorned with flowers and surrounded by chairs arranged to create a pattern when seen from above. It is the emblem of NATO – a compass rose with four points set against a navy blue background. On the boulevard, the crowd has put up an oversized flag so big it could easily cover a truck. It shows the stars and stripes of the USA next to the Albanian double-headed eagle. The big protector and the small protectorate – very close together.

A medal for the former president

Kosovo is celebrating the 20th anniversary of its liberation and the end of the war, both made possible by Western allies – the US, which intervened in the conflict, and NATO, which led the air strikes. The German Air Force and the British Royal Air Force also participated in the fighting. In Belgrade, the 12th of June is considered a day of tragedy when Kosovo was wrested away from the Serbs. For the predominantly Albanian state of Kosovo, which unilaterally declared its independence in 2008, the 12th of June is like a birthday. Back then, in 1999, the NATO-led Kosovo Force (KFOR) entered Kosovo and was welcomed by cheering crowds. Hundreds of thousands of Kosovo-Albanians, who had fled to other countries before the war, returned to their homes. Clinton has been revered as a hero in Kosovo ever since, and the US has been the subject of a lot of hype.

There is probably no other state in the world whose population is as US-friendly as the Kosovo-Albanians. Considering the hostility of other countries, particularly Muslim countries, towards the US, this is indeed remarkable. The refrain of a popular song in Kosovo goes like this: “Thank you USA, you are my best friend. You are the peacekeeper, you are the legend.”

Not surprisingly then, Bill Clinton received a red carpet welcome at the airport. Soldiers unveiled a statue in honour of Madeleine Albright. Both were presented with Order of Freedom medals. Later on, Clinton stood waving next to a statue of himself, which had been dedicated to him back in 2009. It stands next to an apartment building whose facade dons a smiling portrait of the man, on one of Pristina’s main arteries, Bill Clinton Boulevard. Further into town, it crosses George W. Bush Boulevard, named after the president who recognised Kosovo’s independence in 2008. If you travel through Kosovo and Albania, you’ll frequently come across replicas of the Statue of Liberty.


Kosovo is eleven years old now. The children who were infants during the war are grown up. On 12 June, even this generation cheers along with the rest, even though Kosovo is one of the poorest countries in Europe and is marked by high unemployment, emigration and corruption. “Thank you, Mr President!” and “USA! USA! USA!” they chant to Bill Clinton, who stands at the podium smiling. If diplomacy were like football, Kosovo would be a home game for Clinton. No matter what he does, the crowd loves him. “Kosovo is small but sometimes the very small can stand for something bigger,” says Clinton, his voice cracking. Madeleine Albright’s speech explains what Kosovo represented to the US back then – justice, respect for human rights and the end of barbarism. “An ethnic group was going to be expelled from their homes in the vicinity of NATO,” says Albright. They simply were not going to sit there and watch that happen, adds the former secretary of state.

Like a time machine

During these hot days of summer, Pristina can be sort of like a time machine. There the US still has the status of a global peacekeeping power, a role it is moving away from under Trump. It’s the image of a country that acts as a global police officer willing to spend a lot of money on the military in order to intervene with military force in conflicts under the flag of democracy and human rights. A country that has dispatched its soldiers to distant countries and accepts losses to help the “innocent”, as Clinton puts it. Yet this – ideologically distorted – image that Clinton draws of the US in Pristina is fading. Since Trump took office, the slogan “America First” has guided US foreign policy. No US president before him has ever questioned the transatlantic alliance as much as he does. The fact that Trump called NATO obsolete and outdated worries many governments in the military alliance’s member countries. In Kosovo, some people justifiably ask themselves what will happen if Trump wakes up one morning and decides to withdraw American KFOR soldiers from Kosovo, like the troops in Syria and Afghanistan.

There is no mention of any of this during the ceremony in Pristina. Nor does anyone talk about NATO’s air strikes having violated international law – for one thing, because they were not supported by a UN mandate. And because 500 civilians died, although the bombs were only supposed to hit military targets. Kosovo was a turning point in the history of the alliance. For the first time, NATO waged war against a country. “I am proud of what we did,” says Albright in her speech.

Where is the EU?

Back then the US argued that the intervention was based on a coolly calculated cost-benefit analysis: Do we intervene in a conflict by force to possibly prevent more violence from occurring? In the late 1990s, the public still vividly recalled what had happened in Bosnian Srebrenica. In Kosovo, the Albanian population was systematically repressed, and later massacred and expelled. The aim was to avoid another genocide at all costs. Albright recalls Clinton calling her in the middle of the night. “Mr President, we are doing the right thing,” she told him. Now, in 2019, the two of them stroll down the boulevard in Pristina holding hands, surrounded by cheering crowds. Everybody wants to catch a glimpse of the two people to whom they say they owe their lives. A taxi driver says, “If the two of them called me, I would go to war for them.”


When you watch Clinton and Albright strolling along the boulevard, you can’t help noticing that someone is missing. The European Union is noticeably underrepresented in the ceremonies. The question is whether the crowd would have cheered just as much if Federica Mogherini, the EU’s foreign policy chief, delivered a speech in Pristina. Or Johannes Hahn, Commissioner for Enlargement Policy, for that matter. Kosovo-Albanians are increasingly disappointed in both of them. For one, because the long-promised visa liberalisation scheme has yet to be realised. What is more, five EU member states – Greece, Slovakia, Cyprus, Spain and Romania – still do not recognise Kosovo as an independent state. The dialogue in Brussels has failed and no agreement has been reached after six years. French president Macron and German chancellor Merkel are trying to revive the negotiations. It remains to be seen whether this will lead to a solution. A solution – that is to say recognition of Kosovo by Serbia – is needed if both countries want to join the European Union one day. Serbia wants to reach a compromise. Pristina feels increasingly abandoned. This is illustrated by how tense the mood has become between the prime minister, Ramush Haradinaj, and Brussels. Haradinaj imposed punitive tariffs on goods from Serbia months ago. Washington and Brussels want Kosovo to lift the tax. But Haradinaj continues to stand firm. It is the first time that a head of government in Kosovo is going head-to-head with the country’s most important allies. As a result, Haradinaj was denied a US visa in January 2019. Now, in June, the ice age seems to have ended. At least while Haradinaj is standing at the podium in Pristina showering the US delegation with words of praise.

The America that Kosovars cheer on this 12th of June no longer exists. A recent report by the European Stability Initiative (ESI, a Berlin-based think tank) talks about a turning point in Washington. Trump’s security advisor, Republican John Bolton, has never been a supporter of Kosovo’s independence, even though the US was one of its architects. Instead, Bolton said he was open to a territorial exchange between Serbia and Kosovo, meaning redrawing borders along ethnic lines. The solution is controversial in the EU, but it has gained acceptance in the White House. Belgrade hails this willingness to compromise. Serbia’s foreign minister, Ivica Dačić, spoke of a “historic success”. Previously, said Dačić, the West hadn’t even wanted to talk about such ideas.

Trump has voiced his position on Kosovo only once. At Christmas 2018 he sent two letters to Aleksandar Vučić and Hashim Thaçi, inviting the presidents of both countries to Washington to finally sign a historic accord. Any solution would suit him, said Trump. Even the controversial land swap, which would allow Belgrade to gain control over the northern part of Kosovo, which is predominantly populated by ethnic Serbs. In return, Pristina would be compensated with municipalities mainly populated by ethnic Albanians in southern Serbia. Washington is insisting on quick results in the Kosovo conflict, while the member states of the European Union, especially Germany, consider border shifts in the Balkans taboo. Kosovo’s most important allies – the EU and the US – are no longer acting in concert to resolve the conflict. Yet Kosovo used to be their prestige project. The small country has received billions in aid and enormous human resources. Back then, the West won the war militarily. Today it lacks a political strategy for how to proceed.

In the evening after the ceremonies, a white-haired 74-year-old American man stands on the stage of a five-star hotel on the outskirts of Pristina. It is Wesley Clark, the former commander-in-chief of NATO troops during the Kosovo war. He is speaking at an international security conference – to ambassadors, politicians, advisors. In suits and summer dresses, they sip wine and shake each other’s hands. This is where the country’s well-off elite gather. Unlike the majority of the population, they are issued a visa relatively easily if they want to travel abroad. They are well paid; some even have their own drivers and a budget for business dinners. Never before did Kosovo have such a bloated government apparatus – with 22 ministries, more than 70 deputy prime ministers, plus “national coordinators”. Not only does this make the government incredibly expensive, but incredibly slow and bitterly divided. Critics say there is less focus on solution-oriented politics than on the allocation of posts, staffing changes and competing interests. This does not necessarily make negotiations with Serbia easier. But former NATO general Clark is still overflowing with optimism. He says that Kosovo could be a showcase for the whole of Europe if it ends disputes with Serbia. He doesn’t say how. Clark oversaw the bombing in 1999. Now it is up to other people to fill in the trenches those bombs have left behind.
https://www.woz.ch/1925/kosovo/party-un ... rnenbanner (artículo original)
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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por skye » 29 Ago 2019 15:55

Los días van pasando... pero nada cambia.

Retomando un poco el hilo. Dentro de la variedad de noticias sobre los Balcanes que nos ha traído esta segunda quincena de agosto, destacaría dos:

1.- Por un lado, Serbia está a punto de firmar un acuerdo de libre comercio con la Unión Euroasiática.

Para el que se pierda, este es el enlace de la wikipedia:

https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uni%C3%B3 ... %C3%A1tica

Es fundamentalmente un espacio de libre comercio entre los países signatarios, eso sí, donde el que "manda" es Rusia.. Para Serbia, fundamentalmente, significa que sus productos tendrán libre acceso (sin aranceles) a los mercados de Rusia, Kazajstán y Bielorrusia. Y lo mismo ocurrirá con los productos de estos países en el mercado serbio.

Y la Unión Europea se pone de morros y advierte que cuando Serbia ingrese en la Unión Europea, si alguna vez ingresa, tendrá que salirse de este espacio económico.

Pues vale. Eso que dice la Unión Europea es lógico. El problema que yo le veo es que la Unión Europea está dando largas a cualquier país que pretenda ingresar, de manera que, a lo mejor, pasan hasta 15-20 años hasta que alguien ingrese. En ese plazo... pues vale. Que se vaya a paseo la Unión Europea, por idiotas. Y cuando toque ingresar, si toca algún día, ya hablaremos. Entre tanto, Rusia apoyando a Serbia, mientra la Unión Europea va de digna.

Mi recomendación: mandar a la Unión Europea directamente a la mierda. Cuando permitan a Serbia entrar.... , dentro de la tira de años, Serbia se habrá beneficiado de acceder a esos mercados, mientras que lo que ofrece la Unión Europea es más palo que zanahoria. Bien por Serbia cuando firme el acuerdo de adhesión a la Unión Euroasiática.

El enlace:

https://www.b92.net/eng/news/world.php? ... _id=107181

2.- El otro rollo del mes: el lío de Bosnia con la NATO.

Los boníacos (musulmanes) y croatas bosnios quieren que Bosnia ingrese en la NATO.

Los serbo-bosnios se oponen. Y se oponen porque no quieren que la frontera de la República Srpska (la entidad serbo-bosnia) con Serbia se convierta en una frontera militarizada con soldados de la NATO entre dos entidades para ellos hemanas: Serbia, que cada día que pasa reafirma su aspiración a la neutralidad militar y la república serbo-bosnia de Bosnia. Además, tienen una especie de odio total hacia la NATO por la guerra que la NATO libró contra ellos en las guerras de los Balcanes, como aliada de bosníacos y croatas.

Y la constitución del gobierno en Bosnia después de las pasadas elecciones generales está bloqueada. Los bosníacos y los bosnio-croatas, quieren que Bosnia ingrese en la NATO. Los serbo-bosnios se oponen. Y por esas diferencias se está boicoteando la formación del gobierno de Bosnia.

Para el ingreso de Bosnia en la NATO sería necesario el consentimiento tanto de la Federación Bosnio-Croata (engloba supuestamente a bosníacos -musulmanes- y croatas, aunque la voz cantante la llevan los bosníacos, que son mayoría) como de la República Srpska (la entidad habitada mayoritariamente por los serbo-bosnios), que se oponen a dicho ingreso.

Hoy leo un artículo en el que un hooligan de la NATO dice que, pese a esas diferencias, Bosnia no debería renunciar a su ingreso en la NATO.

https://balkaninsight.com/2019/08/27/bo ... pirations/

Hay que decir que Balkaninsight es una web financiada por la Unión Europea.
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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por skye » 30 Ago 2019 13:27

Families Lose Hope of Finding Kosovo’s Missing Serbs

Inadequate investigations by international organisations and political tensions between Pristina and Belgrade have meant that several hundred Serbs who disappeared during and after the Kosovo war have not been found

Andrija Tomanovic, the head of the surgery clinic at the Clinical Hospital Centre in Pristina, called his daughter Jelena on June 24, 1999 at around 1pm to tell her he was on his way home from work.

The Kosovo war had officially been ended by the Kumanovo Agreement on June 9 that year. The NATO bombing of Yugoslavia had stopped, Belgrade’s army and police forces had withdrawn from Kosovo to Serbia, and the UN’s Interim Administration Mission, UNMIK, and the NATO-led Kosovo Force, KFOR, had been deployed to deal with security.

One of KFOR’s checkpoints was in front of the Pristina Clinical Hospital Centre on June 24 when Tomanovic was seen for the last time.

Twenty years later, on August 30, the International Day of the Disappeared, the Serb doctor is still listed as a missing person.

According to Kosovo government’s Commission on Missing Persons, there are still 1,650 people missing as a consequence of the 1998-99 war. Of these, 1,100 are ethnic Albanians, 360 are Serbs and 200 are from other minority communities, such as Roma.

The majority of Serb and non-Albanian civilians who went missing in Kosovo disappeared between June 1999 and December 2000, after the war ended and Slobodan MIlosevic’s forces pulled out.

Just after the war ended, many Serbs and Roma were targeted by armed groups, and thousands fled Kosovo, fearing revenge attacks, according to a report by Amnesty International.

As well as dealing with security issues in the chaotic post-war period, UNMIK was responsible for probing the disappearances – but Tomanovic’s case is one of more than 200 in which the UN mission has been accused of not conducting adequate investigations.

Absence of witness statements

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A Kosovo Albanian man looks at the names of missing people, both Albanians and Serbs, written on a wall in Pristina in April 2011

The Kosovo Human Rights Advisory Panel, HRAP was established in 2007 by a special representative of the UN Secretary-General to examine alleged violations of human rights by UNMIK.

HRAP had jurisdiction to probe violations of human rights that happened after April 23, 2005 or before this date if they caused a continuing violation of people’s rights.

This gave HRAP the jurisdiction to examine complaints relating to events that happened in the period from 1998 to 2000, and helped to reveal some major problems in UNMIK’s investigations of what happened to non-Albanians who went missing or were killed during and after Kosovo war.

In Tomanovic’s case, HRAP noted that UNMIK became aware of his disappearance by the end of June 1999 at the latest. But it said that “it appears unclear what investigative steps were taken between 1999 and 2002”.

“Reference in the file is made to the investigation having been protracted and involving several investigators. However, little information is given as to exactly what investigative measures were actively undertaken in this case,” HRAP said.

Tomanovic’s wife gave UNMIK police the names of possible witnesses to events surrounding her husband’s disappearance. UNMIK police investigators tried to collect information from one of the staff members at the Pristina hospital in 2004, but without success.

HRAP said that “both these activities appear cursory in nature and no formal witness statements are recorded”.

“Indeed in assessing the entire file, the [Human Rights Advisory] Panel observes the complete absence of any recorded witness statements whatsoever… In addition, no witness statements were obtained from other hospital staff or other potential witnesses present at the time of Dr Tomanovic’s disappearance in June 1999,” it added.

In the Tomanovic case file, there was also a reference to the first name of a possible suspect with a recommendation for further enquiry, but no action appeared to have been taken to follow up the lead, HRAP said.

Delays, failures and silence

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Relatives of 29 Kosovo Serbs killed during the 1998-99 conflict mourn over their coffins at a Belgrade cemetery in October 2006 after the bodies were handed over by UN authorities

HRAP’s final report, published in 2016, listed what it said were the most significant problems with UNMIK’s work in Kosovo.

Among them are delays in registration of missing persons reports or, in some cases, the complete lack of registration of such reports by UNMIK police. Delays lasted for months or even years, “with no explanation provided”.

“Important delays in, or even the complete absence of, initial investigative actions, such as crime scene investigation, ‘canvassing’ of surrounding areas, collection and preservation of physical evidence, recording of witnesses’ statements undermined the evidentiary basis of investigations from the very beginning,” HRAP’s report noted.

When it comes to witnesses, HRAP said that attempts to locate them did not seem to be thorough or diligent and that UNMIK failed to reach out to people who made complaints about rights violations and witnesses who had left Kosovo for security reasons.

“Delays in attempts to locate and interview witnesses appeared to be widespread. Because of such delays, witnesses died, others relocated and became untraceable,” it said.

Asked to comment on these allegations, UNMIK told BIRN that “there were many reasons why UNMIK was unable to determine the fate of missing persons; however, in many cases there was a lack of reliable evidence”.

It said that some of the main challenges were “a result of the volatile situation in post-conflict Kosovo”, such as the tense and unstable security situation and an absence of public institutions.

“There was no standing, professional and well-resourced UN police force in the immediate aftermath of the conflict in Kosovo; UNMIK had to re-establish law enforcement in the absence of law and order institutions and agencies which was a challenging task considering the circumstances on the ground,” UNMIK said.

HRAP’s report also criticised the lack of proper sharing of information between relevant UNMIK police units, and said that in a large number of cases, there were no indications of any prosecutorial overview or any kind of involvement by public prosecutors. Problems also occurred because there were at least three international organisations operating in the field at the time.

“Lack of coordination between UNMIK, ICTY [the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia] and [NATO’s Kosovo force] KFOR caused problems for the investigators. In some cases, UNMIK police did not investigate because the ICTY had taken over the investigations, but without providing any documentation,” HRAP said.

“A number of files reflected situations when victims were abducted in front of KFOR units, or information on abductions was passed to a KFOR unit. No investigative action was pursued by UNMIK police,” its report added.

Communication between UNMIK and the Serbian authorities was also poor.

“Serbian state authorities sent to UNMIK substantive information providing details of various incidents, including the locations, dates and names of victims, suspects and witnesses. However, in most of these cases, there was no proper cooperation between UNMIK and the Serbian authorities,” HRAP said.

In some cases, UNMIK investigations of alleged human rights violations were shut down for no apparent reason, according to HRAP.

“Police investigations were discontinued after an internal review, without informing the responsible prosecutors and the injured parties,” HRAP said.

“In a number of cases the investigations were ‘dropped’ without any formal decision and without any visible reason, despite leads that still needed to be followed. Moreover, on many occasions leads and recommendations identified by the reviewing investigators/prosecutors were not followed,” it added.

HRAP also claimed that serious criminal allegations against Kosovo Liberation Army, KLA members were not followed up.

“No substantive effort was made by UNMIK investigative authorities to investigate in a systematic and coordinated manner the disappearance and killing of a large number of Kosovo Serbs where there was an obvious line of enquiry leading to KLA [Kosovo Liberation Army] suspected perpetrators,” it said.

No investigation into organ-trafficking claims

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Council of Europe rapporteur Dick Marty, who reported allegations of organ-trafficking by Kosovo guerrillas, in Strasbourg in January 2008

One of the most explosive allegations about people who went missing in Kosovo was that organs were surgically removed from some of the victims while they were held in captivity at secret Kosovo Liberation Army detention sites in neighbouring Albania to be sold for transplants.

These claims were made public in a report in 2010 by Council of Europe rapporteur Dick Marty, who probed allegations of crimes committed by KLA guerrillas.

Marty’s report said that “numerous concrete and convergent indications confirm that some Serbians and some Albanian Kosovars were held prisoner in secret places of detention under KLA control in northern Albania and were subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment, before ultimately disappearing”.

It also alleged that “organs were removed from some prisoners at a clinic on Albanian territory, near [the town of] Fushë-Krujë, to be taken abroad for transplantation”.

UNMIK became aware in 2003 of at least seven people who ended up dead in Albania, but declined to give more information to BIRN about how it followed up the allegation.

“UNMIK cannot comment further on ongoing criminal investigations or disclose confidential information,” it said.

The claims in Marty’s report were followed up by a European Union special investigative task force. The EU task force’s subsequent report, alleging serious crimes were committed by KLA members, led to the establishment of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers, the so-called ‘special court’ in The Hague, which aims to put the suspects on trial, although no indictments have been announced so far.

One of the missing persons whose name has been linked to the organ-trafficking allegations is Zlatko Antic.

Antic was 35 years old on July 28, 1999, when he left the village of Brezovica and visited his family’s apartment in the town of Prizren to check on the situation there and find out whether it would be safe to return.

He went to his neighbour, to whom he had given the keys to his apartment. The neighbour said later that a few minutes after he entered the flat, six men in KLA uniforms went in and forced Antic and another neighbour to leave with them.

Antic’s mother, who filed a complaint to Human Rights Advisory Panel, stated that at that time, the KLA was occupying an apartment on the ground floor of the apartment building.

She added that Antic and the abducted neighbour were taken to a student centre located behind Prizren’s town cemetery. The neighbour was later released, but the KLA held on to Antic. Since then, his whereabouts have been unknown.

Four years later, in 2003, Antic’s name showed up in a classified report by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia about what at that time was the little-known issue of human organ-trafficking. The report said that eight ethnic Albanians, some of them KLA members, claimed that they either knew about or participated in transporting captives from Kosovo to detention in northern and central Albania.

Although UNMIK did some investigation into the abduction of Antic and took statements, HRAP said that promising leads were not followed up.

“Unlike in other disappearances cases, there was an eyewitness to Mr Zlatko Antic’s abduction, and that, under these circumstances, an effective investigation should have also proceeded with analysing and resolving the discrepancies… as well as canvassing the area, including the location where the KLA had established its office [in Prizren],” HRAP said.

“Instead of proactively pursuing such leads, in January 2004, UNMIK police made the assessment that no evidence was available and decided to leave the case pending,” it added.

But the Antic case was not only special because of the eyewitness, but also because of the possible link to organ-trafficking, and HRAP expressed concern that this aspect was not probed by UNMIK.

“The [Human Rights Advisory] Panel also notes with concern that, based on the document mentioned above, at the latest by October 2003, the UNMIK DoJ [Department of Justice] had received information from eyewitnesses, all former KLA members, that Mr Zlatko Antic was probably among those captives who had been taken to illegal detention centres in Albania, reportedly for the purpose of having their organs harvested,” HRAP said.

“However, there is no indication in the file that this important piece of information was provided to those investigating the case of Mr Zlatko Antic or that any action was taken by UNMIK to further investigate these most serious allegations apart from transmitting the information to the ICTY in 2003,” it added.

In a damning verdict on UNMIK’s failed attempts to investigate, HRAP said it was “extremely concerned that so little effort was made to investigate and give effect to the right to truth with respect to these shocking allegations”.

‘All perpetrators should face justice’

Imagen

After the Kosovo war, 6,044 people were registered as missing, 1,000 of them from non-ethnic Albanian communities, although these figures came down over the years as mass graves were discovered and bodies identified.

But more recently, the process has faltered significantly due to the lack of information.

Around 2,000 files relating to potential perpetrators responsible for missing persons were handed over by the EU’s rule-of-law mission in Kosovo, EULEX, to Kosovo’s authorities are now in the hands of the Kosovo Special Prosecution Office.

Some people have expressed hope that there could be progress on missing persons as a result of the EU-mediated Kosovo-Serbia dialogue to normalise relations or the establishment of the so-called Special Court in The Hague, but so far this has not happened.

Meanwhile, families of the missing have been losing hope that they will ever be found.

Rada Sabic saw her parents for the last time at the end of April 1998 in her home village of Leqine in the Skenderaj/Srbica municipality.

At the time, the war was intensifying in this part of central Kosovo, which was a Kosovo Liberation Army stronghold.

Sabic’s father Miroslav Smigic had told four other members of the family that he was determined not to leave his home because of the fighting.

On May 18, Sabic’s cousin Dostana, a social worker in Skenderaj/Srbica, was kidnapped on her way to work. Attempts by the family to learn what happened through international organisations resulted in nothing more than a vague suggestion that she was being held in an improvised KLA detention centre.

“We had information that she was being held at KLA headquarters in the village of Likovc [in the Skenderaj/Srbica municipality]. They told us that some Albanians were held there too. Later we heard that she was killed there,” Sabic told BIRN at her house in the northern Kosovo municipality of Zvecan.

One day, one of the Smigic family’s ethnic Albanian neighbours from Leqine came to their house to suggest they should leave.

“He told my parents that a meeting had been held in the village and from now on, there was no safety,” Sabic recalled.

“My father kept insisting that they did not have anywhere to go apart from their home, saying that he hadn’t done anything wrong to anyone,” she said.

On the morning of June 6, 1998, people in uniform knocked on the door of the family’s house in Leqine and took away Miroslav Smigic, 70, Sabic’s mother Sultana, 65, her aunt Aleksandra, 70, and her cousin Radomir, 54.

“First they tortured them and took them on a tractor that went down from the village. They were killed the same day near a gas station,” Sabic said.

Five members of the Smigic family are still on the list of those missing since the 1998-99 war.

Sabic said that their clothes, marked with bullet holes, were found at the place where they died.

“I still believe their bodies should be somewhere near the scene. During that time we were expecting their bodies to be found and hoping that Dostana was still alive. Two months afterwards, another tragedy happened. My brother committed suicide,” she said.

Milorad Trifunovic, the co-head of the Missing Persons’ Resource Centre, an organisation that represents families of missing persons from all communities in Kosovo, says that the fate of the missing is hostage to the poor relations between Pristina and Belgrade.

Trifunovic was one of the first people who started to actively work on missing persons after his brother, Miroslav, then 33, was kidnapped in June 1998 while going to work in Bardh i Madh/Veliki Belacevac near Pristina, one day before his wedding.

Most of the missing persons from non-Albanian families disappeared after the war, he noted.

“Currently, we have 442 missing Serbs and more than 70 per cent of them went missing after the war,” he said, quoting a higher figure than the Kosovo government’s Commission for Missing Persons’ statistic of 360 missing Serbs.

Meanwhile Prenke Gjetaj, the head of the government commission, criticised the political leaders of Kosovo and Serbia for not including the issue of missing persons in the EU-facilitated dialogue process.

“There cannot be any reconciliation without solving the issue of the people who are missing now,” Gjetaj told BIRN.

As for the people who disappeared after June 1999 when the war officially ended, Gjetaj noted that this was a chaotic time when security was in the hands of UNMIK and NATO’s KFOR troops.

“I am not trying to rehabilitate anyone. All those who were involved in crimes against other ethnicities should be hold accountable,” he emphasised.

In a tragic twist, the ethnic Albanian neighbour who warned the Smigic family that they were not safe was also killed in March 1999 by Serbian forces in the neighbouring village of Izbica, alongside 145 other Albanian civilians. Some of them are also still missing.

“I nearly collapsed when I saw the clothes of the Albanian children killed in Izbica,” Sabic said.

“This shows that those who committed crimes on both sides should face justice.”
https://balkaninsight.com/2019/08/30/fa ... ing-serbs/

En mi opinión, lo más "cabreante" de todo esto, es que la gran mayoría de personas de etnia no albanesa desaparecidas (asesinadas) lo fueron tras la finalización de la guerra de Kosovo y cuando la NATO tenía ocupado el país y sus tropas patrullaban por todas las calles de Kosovo.

En mi opinión, está clarísimo que la NATO miró hacia otro lado ante los secuestros y desapariciones de todas esas personas, perpetradas por las mafias albano-kosovares, aliados de USA y sus países aliados.

Infumable y vomitivo.
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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por skye » 06 Sep 2019 12:38

De vez en cuando, a algún oficial norteamericano se le escapan algunas cosas que sonrojan. Y te das cuenta de nuevo que USA sigue en modo imperialista ON, pese a que lo intenta ocultar lo mejor que puede, sin demasiado éxito.

Montenegro: hace poco ingresó en la NATO. Fue por decisión de los partidos de la actual coalición gubernamental. No hubo referéndum ni nada por el estilo. En Montenegro hay una importante minoría serbia que vota por sus propios partidos. Diríamos que estos partidos montenegrinos que representan a los serbios serían lo que en España llamaríamos "partidos nacionalistas".

Pues bien, estos partidos "nacionalistas", junto con gran parte de la izquierda montenegrina se oponían al ingreso en la NATO, pero, como digo, no pudieron hacer nada contra la mayoría gubernamental. Los serbios son, por razones históricas que creo que no hace falta recordar, absolutamente contrarios a la NATO. Y la izquierda, da igual del país que sea, lo de ser anti-NATO lo llevan en los genes desde siempre.

Este próximo año 2020 se celebran elecciones en Montenegro. Y esos partidos "nacionalistas" serbios, junto con mucha de la izquierda montenegrina apuestan por revertir dicho ingreso y sacar a Montenegro de la NATO.

Pues bien, USA se pone de los nervios y en una visita de una delegación del Congreso USA a ese país, el jefe de la delegación hace declaraciones cuando menos polémicas. Declaraciones del tipo "your enemy is our enemy" (vuestro enemigo es nuestro enemigo).

Y, claro, los medios rusos no han tardado en publicarlo en portada sacando los colores (en mi opinión, con razón) a Estados Unidos.

Aparte de que eso supone una interferencia que está fuera de lugar en la política interna de Montenegro... ¿quién es el "enemy"? ¿Los ciudadanos de Montenegro opuestos a la NATO? Pues vaya. O sea, lo contrario de enemigo es amigo. ¿Quién es el amigo de los congresistas USA? ¿El actual gobierno entonces? :-o :-o

¿Y por qué la NATO (o sea USA más unos cuantos perritos falderos) admitió como socio a Montenegro sin haberse asegurado antes de que la decisión de ingresar en esa organización era algo aceptado por la mayoría de los partidos políticos y la sociedad montenegrina? Porque claro, si metes deprisa y corriendo como socio a un país en el que hay discrepancias importantes sobre el asunto de su membresía, te arriesgas a que si ganan unas elecciones los que están por no ser socios de ese club, decidan que hay que salir y rompan el carnet y dejen de pagar la cuota. Y esos, entonces, serían los "enemigos". :-o :-o :-o

Ah, el enlace:

https://www.b92.net/eng/news/region.php ... _id=107217

Y mientras pasan esas cosas en Montenegro, en Serbia, se debe aburrir bastante el personaje, el embajador USA monta una conferencia con medios audiovisuales para enseñar los insultos que recibe por Twitter:
Addressing the Digital Summit in Belgrade, the ambassador showed the insults and curses he had been receiving on his Twitter account from people in Serbia.
http://rs.n1info.com/English/NEWS/a5233 ... itter.html

En mi opinión, aguantar ese tipo de cosas va en el sueldo, la casa, el chofer y la secretaria que le pone su gobierno a este señor, ¿no?

A un servidor, si me pagan lo que gana este hombre y todas las ventajas que tiene (no tiene que pasar el aspirador, fregar los platos en casa, preocuparse por cosas como hacer la compra, etc.) me pueden insultar por Twitter todo lo que quieran. De verdad de la buena.
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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por skye » 09 Sep 2019 23:38

Sólo una curiosidad:

La primera ministra de Serbia, Ana Brnabic, está de visita en Luxemburgo. La premier serbia es lesbiana y está casada con otra mujer.

Lo curioso del caso es que el primer ministro de Luxemburgo es gay y está casado con otro hombre.

Y el premier luxemburgués recibió a la primera ministra serbia y su mujer en el aeropuerto cuando llegaron al país. Y posteriormente se les unió el marido del primer ministro luxemburgués, acompañándolas en la cena y en la visita que hicieron a la ciudad.

El primer ministro de Luxemburgo, Xavier Bettel, tuiteó la víspera lo siguiente en su cuenta de Twitter:
"Tomorrow I'll receive officially the Serbian Prime Minister, tonight Gauthier Desteney and myself are happy to welcome our friends Ana Brnabic and Milica and having a visit of the city of Luxembourg together. XB
Supongo que eso de ver a los cuatro emparejados paseando por Luxemburgo es una foto a la que no estáis muy acostumbrados.
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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por skye » 10 Sep 2019 12:09

Declaraciones interesantes de Peter Beyer, parlamentario alemán y alto cargo del Ministerio alemán de Asuntos Exteriores sobre el futuro de las relaciones entre Serbia y Kosovo.

Ofrece el modelo de las dos Alemanias como una posible solución.

Concretamente:
The map of path forward is clear, both Serbia and Kosovo should work towards reaching a final legally-binding agreement. We have discussed the recognition issue. Of course, we think that it would be good that Serbia’s membership into the EU comes as a result of full recognition of the independence of Kosovo, but we know that such a thing is complicated and almost impossible. Because it has to do with the amendment of the Constitution, and it is not simple, however this concept and proposal is not new. This concept, that we have had once between the two Germanys, which resulted in unification of two Germanys, which is not our wish to see it in Kosovo-Serbia case. East and West Germanys co-existed in the international organisations aspect, but without recognising each other. A similar model would be possible to apply between Kosovo and Serbia. I have discussed for such a thing with Serbian president, and it is an idea worth considering,” Beyer is quoted as saying by the Belgrade-based daily Blic. Among other things Beyer said that he has reiterated his stance that Germany is against exchange of territories. “Serbian president and ministers are aware of my position and Germany’s position as well. We are against the exchange of border idea,” Beyer is quoted as saying. He said that Serbia’s membership into the European Union is impossible without recognition of Kosovo’s independence.
http://www.rtklive.com/en/news-single.php?ID=14728
(RTK es una página albano-kosovar)

Está claro que desde hace años se está trabajando en un acuerdo final entre Serbia y Kosovo. Ese acuerdo debería abrir el camino de Serbia para ingresar en la UE y el camino para que Kosovo ingrese en Naciones Unidas.

Ahora bien, ¿qué contenido tiene que tener ese acuerdo? Ahí empiezan las discrepancias. Para Kosovo, ese acuerdo tiene que incluir el reconocimiento de Kosovo por parte de Serbia. Está claro que también el reconocimiento de Serbia por parte de Kosovo. Lo que ocurre es que esto último a Serbia le interesa un pimiento porque Serbia es un país internacionalmente reconocido, lo que no ocurre con Kosovo. Y por parte de Serbia, el acuerdo debería ser de compromiso, en el que ambas partes cedan algo y, a cambio, ambas partes ganen algo. Es decir, no se va a sentar a negociar sólo para reconocer a Kosovo, un punto este en el que tienen una línea roja. Incluso, ya han anunciado que ese hipotético futuro acuerdo se someterá a referéndum en Serbia. Y si contiene el reconocimiento de Kosovo tendría muy difícil su aprobación en ese referéndum.

Por eso, los alemanes, que tienen experiencia en eso, ofrecen el modelo de las dos Alemanias. Como dice la reseña de más arriba, las dos Alemanias convivieron en diferentes organismos internacionales (ONU, por ejemplo), pero sin reconocerse mutuamente.

Apunta que lo óptimo sería un reconocimiento mutuo, pero si eso no fuese posible...

¿Podría ser eso en el caso de Serbia y Kosovo?

Pues podría ser, sí. A Serbia no le colocas en la disyuntiva de tener que reconocer a Kosovo, pero sí le despejas el camino hacia la Unión Europea y a Kosovo le despejas el ingreso en la ONU.

Claro está, a expensas de lo que puedan opinar Rusia y China, países aliados estratégicos de Serbia y que bloquean actualmente el ingreso de Kosovo.

Y no me extrañaría que aunque Serbia y Kosovo alcanzasen ese acuerdo, Rusia exija ciertas contrapartidas para desbloquear el ingreso de Kosovo, país pelota número uno de USA, como puede ser la aceptación de la anexión rusa de Crimea, un asunto este no muy diferente del asunto de Kosovo. Para Rusia sería un "yo acepto la independencia de Kosovo, tú aceptas que Crimea vuelva a Rusia".

En fin, lo de los alemanes no deja de ser una idea, pero deberían estudiarla.
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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por Malandro » 10 Sep 2019 22:59

Me sorprende gratamente observar la fascinación que siente usted por los asuntos balcánicos. A mí también me producen una extraña atracción estos conflictos étnico-religiosos y geopolíticos. En mi caso, también me posiciono más a favor de Serbia. Espero que ingrese pronto en la Unión Euroasiática. Dicha Unión tiene planes de extenderse por Asia Central, si mal no recuerdo. Rusia quiere recuperar la URSS, pero sin el lastre del comunismo.
"El socialismo fracasa cuando se les acaba el dinero... de los demás".
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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por skye » 23 Sep 2019 10:33

[
Stopping the rot: Relaunching Kosovo’s foreign policy

Professor Aidan Hehir recommends a more robust approach to dealing with Serbia, a reduced focus on recognition from peripheral states and the pursuit of a genuinely independent foreign policy

Today, Kosovo is beset by an array of internal and external challenges that pose a profound threat to its very existence. The forthcoming elections are, therefore, arguably the most important in Kosovo since the conflict in 1999.

Despite the optimistic predictions made in July 1999 and again in February 2008, Kosovo’s international status has not been consolidated. In fact, in many key respects, it has gone into reverse.

Throughout this year a number of conferences and publications have reflected on the 20th anniversary of NATO’s intervention and the initiation of statebuilding in Kosovo. As most have noted, Kosovo is today in a significantly better state than it was when UNMIK and KFOR were first deployed.

But while there is a lot to cheer, the successes have to be viewed in the context of the many failures and regressions Kosovo has endured. Indeed, it is telling that many who have sought to talk up Kosovo’s success have reverted to comparing the situation today with that in 1999. Naturally, compared to a time of civil war, ethnic cleansing and systemic oppression, the Kosovo of today is a vast improvement, but this a very low bar for determining success.

The promises made in 1999 – and again in 2008 – didn’t merely suggest that the people of Kosovo would no longer be killed. The visions advanced portrayed a hopeful future for Kosovo as an independent state, a member of the EU and NATO, and a harmonious multi-ethnic democracy that would serve as “an example to the world.”

Clearly these goals have not been achieved and progress has effectively stalled. As a result, Kosovo is currently floundering in the international doldrums and, without an innovative strategy that navigates a new direction, will continue to languish in a state of corrosive paralysis. Kosovo’s future is contingent on addressing the following five issues.

Relations with Serbia

The issue of Serbia will naturally continue to be a major issue in Kosovo’s future foreign policy. Very obviously, the Serbia of 2019 does not have the same image problem as it did in 1999; Serbia may well be governed by authoritarian individuals with toxic pasts who remain wedded to an exclusionary nationalistic narrative on Kosovo, but this has clearly not hampered Serbia’s steady progress towards greater international support.

It is clear that Serbia is much further advanced on the path towards EU membership than Kosovo, a remarkable fact given what occurred in the 1990s.

The new government in Kosovo must change its approach towards Serbia; this should involve a more robust articulation of the facts, regarding both what happened in the past and what is happening today.

Those within the EU pushing for Serbia’s integration must be confronted with the stark reality; namely that Serbia has continued to shield perpetrators of war crimes from censure, and essentially refused to engage meaningfully with efforts to identify the locations of those victims of Milosevic’s aggression whose bodies have yet to be recovered.

To redress this, the government of Kosovo could, for example, refuse to conduct any further negotiations with Belgrade until the Serbian government agrees to undertake a series of remedial initiatives akin to those undertaken by other states guilty of historical acts of mass violence and aggression.

This approach would have greater legitimacy, of course, if the Kosovo government itself demonstrated a willingness to provide greater support to local organizations working to establish the facts about what happened during the conflict, fully cooperate with efforts to prosecute those who murdered civilians from minority communities before, during and after the NATO intervention in 1999, and help identify the location of the remains of the more than 1,600 people still missing.

Ultimately, by allowing the issue of criminal responsibility for what happened in the 1990s to slip down the agenda during Prishtina-Belgrade talks – at the behest of Serbia patrons within the EU – successive governments in Kosovo have enabled the Serbian government to avoid having to address the very issue that should fundamentally undermine its credibility and international legitimacy.

Recognition

In recent months Serbian government officials have proudly proclaimed that a number of states have de-recognized Kosovo. While the veracity of these claims are not always clear, it is certainly the case that the de-recognition campaign waged by Serbia – with Russia’s support – is gaining traction.

This is, of course, a function of the fact that the West’s power has declined steadily since 2008, while Russia’s has increased. This has meant that Kosovo’s key patrons have significantly reduced their efforts to promote Kosovo’s statehood, while those pursuing the de-recognition campaign have enjoyed greater leverage.

Gaining formal recognition is of course important for Kosovo and the campaign to do so should not be abandoned, but the importance of recognition is arguably not as great as some appear to assume.

Given their veto powers at the UN Security Council, Russia and China will always be able to block Kosovo’s membership of the UN regardless of how many other states recognize it. Likewise, Kosovo cannot join the EU so long as Spain, Romania, Slovakia, Greece and Cyprus continue to view the recognition of Kosovo as a threat to their own internal cohesion.

Facing this stark reality, it is surely time to rethink the recognition strategy. It is highly unlikely that Russia, China and Spain will change their position any time soon, and they are certainly not going to do so simply because Kosovo gains further recognition from a handful of small states in Africa and the Asia-Pacific.

In this sense, rather than continue to simply ask to be treated as a sovereign state, Kosovo should focus on behaving like one.

This should involve first consolidating its relations with those states that do recognize it. For example, there is no point have Poland listed as recognizing Kosovo if Kosovo does not have a full diplomatic presence there. Poland was among the states that did not vote for Kosovo in its bid to join UNESCO in 2015, despite the fact that it has recognized Kosovo since 2008.

Additionally, Kosovo should seek to play a greater role in those international organizations in which it is a member, and to forge their own path in so doing. Kosovo cannot reasonably be deemed independent if it blindly follows dictates issued from Washington when it speaks at international forums.

Finally, Kosovo can do more to increase its prominence and credibility as a state if it engages more creatively with progressive international campaigns such as those on climate change, the treatment of refugees, women’s rights, and initiatives related to transitional justice.

Engagement with many of these campaigns does not necessitate international recognition, and would enable Kosovo to position itself on the international stage in a benign, constructive way. This would, of course, enable Kosovo to present itself as an engaged international actor and improve its credentials as a state deserving of recognition.

The “Internationals”

One of the more pervasive tropes about Kosovo internationally is that it is a U.S./U.K. sycophant, slavishly obeying orders from Washington and London. Likewise, within Kosovo, the “internationals” continue to wield significant power both through the foreign embassies and the vast network of aid/development organizations who have cultivated a range of compliant domestic civil society organizations that pursue the agenda of their international paymasters.

It is hardly a surprise that the Albanian community in Kosovo continues to view the U.S. and the U.K. as heroic liberators given what happened in 1999; likewise local civil society organizations have naturally amended their priorities to access the funds held by international donors.

However, the reality is that the compliant strategy pursued to date has had significant negative repercussions. To put it bluntly, Kosovo cannot expect to be treated as an independent state if its foreign policy is dictated by Washington. Kosovo of course needed Western support in 1999 and in the years afterwards, but at some point the metaphorical umbilical cord has to be cut lest the growth be retarded.

Not only does Kosovo’s deferential attitude towards certain Western states discredit it in the eyes of many in the non-Western world, within the West many have evidently come to view Kosovo as a mere dependent willing to bend to every whim, undeserving of full respect.

This is arguably most obvious with respect to the continued refusal to grant Kosovo’s people the right to travel in the Schengen zone without a visa. This wholly unjustifiable policy simply smacks of disrespect; respect is not gained, of course, by those who doff their caps and dutifully follow all commands issued by their masters.

In this regard, the new government must be willing to pursue a genuinely independent foreign policy; this does not mean behaving in an actively hostile way towards Western allies of course, but rather demonstrating that while Western support is valued, it does not necessitate servility.

Kosovo cannot afford politicians who claim that “there is no need for foreign affairs as we are in the same club with U.S.”, as outgoing prime minister Ramush Haradinaj once stated.

There is no shortage of well trained, highly articulate individuals within Kosovo capable of forging a truly independent foreign policy strategy for their country and it is their views – rather than those of the U.S. and U.K. embassies – that should be adhered to.

Kosovo’s image

In relative terms few people have visited Kosovo, and it remains synonymous with ethnic conflict and war. Worse still, Kosovo has increasingly been portrayed as a breeding ground for Islamic militants, and a haven for drug smugglers and people traffickers governed by a corrupt criminal cabal.

While many of the negative stories about Kosovo are wildly exaggerated and/or cynical Serbian propaganda, it cannot be denied that many of Kosovo’s political elite are heavily involved in criminality and corruption, both within Kosovo and abroad.

Kosovo is not, of course, unique in this respect, but the impact of this is especially corrosive for Kosovo given its contested international status. It is naturally difficult to attract international support for Kosovo’s statehood while Kosovo appears to be an endemically corrupt narco-state governed by ex-militants heavily implicated in various criminal enterprises.

So long as the corrupt elite in Kosovo wields power – both formal and informal – other states will be disinclined to alter their stance on recognition. The most obvious remedy for this is for the electorate to vote for “clean” politicians and for the police and judiciary to properly investigate institutional criminality.

International Engagement

Linked to the above problem of Kosovo’s international image is the need for a new strategy on international engagement. Kosovo has been too insular to date and narrowly focused on marco-level engagements with a small number of states and issues.

Indeed, it is remarkable how little is known about Kosovo outside its borders; while this may seem a somewhat secondary concern, in reality Kosovo is essentially missing out by not leveraging what is termed “soft power” internationally.

The Albanian diaspora is famously vast and surely more could be done to engage with these groups to promote Kosovo’s cause. Many individual politicians with Albanian heritage of course do just this, but too often the diaspora’s engagement is limited to sending home remittances and attending weddings in the summer.

Other states – most notably Ireland and Israel – have effectively leveraged their diaspora abroad to promote their issues and improve their image, and Kosovo should do likewise.

Additionally, Kosovo is uniquely illustrative of a wide array of issues which have come to dominate international relations in the post-Cold War era, such as civil war, humanitarian intervention, statebuilding, refugee flows, transitional justice and recognition. It is therefore potentially hugely attractive to a wide array of students, scholars and journalists.

More can be done to reach out to such communities abroad to facilitate their engagement with Kosovo. Many visit Kosovo already to undertake research, but too often this is done in a way which positions Kosovo as a passive lab-rat to be poked at and studied by “experts”.

Kosovo and its people in fact have the credentials to present themselves to the world as a living repository of knowledge with much to teach. The end result of more engagement on this basis would be a greater appreciation of Kosovo internationally, more opportunities for the people of Kosovo to display their own agency, and the development of a new international image. This would require, of course, significant governmental support and the initiation of a global outreach campaign.
https://prishtinainsight.com/stopping-t ... gn-policy/


De los pocos artículos medianamente sensatos que se publican en la prensa albano-kosovar, que casi siempre a publicar consignas anti-serbias.
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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por skye » 24 Sep 2019 12:17

Último informe de Reporteros sin Fronteras, con unos párrafos dedicados a la situación en Kosovo:

https://rsf.org/sites/default/files/en_ ... _web_1.pdf

Página 22 del documento, titulado "Newspapers That Never Arrive":

Kosovo’s customs duty weapon

The Russian subscription press is slowly dying because of the lack of a postal subsidy,
but Kosovo eliminated its Serbian press in one fell swoop in November 2018 by suddenly
increasing the import duty on all Serbian products, including newspapers, by 100%. The
measure was a reprisal for neighbouring Serbia’s determined and ultimately successful
efforts to prevent Kosovo from joining Interpol.

The impact on the availability of Serbian print media in Kosovo was immediate. No
Serbian-language newspapers and magazines are printed in Kosovo and within a week
no imported publications were available at Kosovar newsstands. This means that northern
Kosovo’s Serb community have been deprived of news and information in their own
language since November 2018, a situation that violates international law. As Harlem
Désir, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s representative for
media freedom said, “the right of all citizens to access information in their own language
must be preserved, and access to newspapers, including Serbian newspapers, must be
guaranteed for all local communities at all times”.
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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por skye » 01 Oct 2019 11:59

“This project will, I am sure, recognise both the shared suffering and the achievements of the region. In this way, I believe it can provide a valuable contribution to overcoming the painful legacies of the past, and to helping newer generations understand the importance of moving forward together towards the EU”. Federica Mogherini, EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, speaking about the JHP

The Joint History Project was the original CDRSEE programme and remains at the heart of everything we do. The JHP was launched in 1999, in an effort to change the way history is taught in schools across the Balkans. The founders - historians, diplomats, philanthropists -- felt very strongly that to reach real reconciliation in the region, you have to reach the grass roots, the youth. The programme is therefore centred on education, on providing history-teaching materials for teachers that convey multiple perspectives of the same events, and on ensuring that these materials be put to use across the region.
https://cdrsee.org/projects/education-p ... ry-project

Uno de los volúmenes de la obra (financiada por la Unión Europea y USAID, la agencia USA para el desarrollo internacional):

http://cdrsee.org/pdf/jhp/WARS-DIVISION ... ION_LR.pdf

Aquí tenéis el resto de la colección:

http://cdrsee.org/publications/education
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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por skye » 03 Oct 2019 11:25

Un artículo interesante sobre Bosnia y, de rebote, sobre los Balcanes:

(aviso: Balkan Insight es una web financiada por la Unión Europea y que suele ser muy seguidista de los puntos de vista británicos y alemanes, sobre los Balcanes: o sea, con un sesgo anti-serbio importante)
Bosnia Risks Being Drawn Into Rivals’ Power Games

The unfolding crisis in Bosnia is becoming increasingly intertwined with the tensions rising between a various regional and international factors in the Balkans – all of whom have their own competing interests

n a few weeks, Bosnia will mark a full year since its last general elections, held on October 7, 2018.

Since then, hopes of forming new governments at state level and in the mainly Bosniak and Croat Federation entity have all but died, especially since all-out political war erupted recently between Bosniak and Bosnian Serb leaders.

This political and administrative paralysis – unprecedented since the 1992-5 war ended – threatens the country’s very survival, experts warn.

Oblivious to this reality, however, local politicians are busy gearing up for local elections due in October 2020.

Yet some experts, officials and diplomats say future elections are almost irrelevant while local leaders continue to block the system, playing their lose-lose games.

To make matters worse, Bosnia’s unfolding political drama is increasingly intertwined with other regional and international disputes, especially with the tensions between Serbia and Kosovo.

Some believe that in the absence of a realistic EU enlargement perspective for the Balkans, the unresolved issues within Bosnia and between Serbia and Kosovo can only be resolved through some kind of exchange of territories.

Under this, Serbia would potentially annex the Serb-dominated entity in Bosnia, Republika Srpska, and some parts of northern Kosovo. In exchange for the mainly Serbian north of Kosovo, Serbia might then eventually recognise its former province as an independent state.

Others warn that any attempt to redraw borders would only trigger more ethnic conflicts in the Balkans.

The divisions in Bosnia and the region are increasingly intertwined with tensions between key international actors – the EU, the US, Russia and to a lesser degree Turkey and other Islamic countries – all of whom have their own interests in the Balkans, but no clue how to resolve their own differences – let alone those of the Balkans.

Bosniak declaration is red flag to Serbs

Hopes of a political compromise in Bosnia took another blow recently as all-out political war erupted between Bosnia’s two strongest parties, the [Bosniak] Party of Democratic Action, SDA, and [Bosnian Serb] Alliance of Independent Social Democrats, SNSD.

This escalated after the SDA party congress on September 14, which re-elected Bakir Izetbegovic as leader.

What caused a storm was the adoption of a programmatic declaration in which the SDA effectively pledged to centralise the country by creating a civic republic based on economic “regions”.

Bosnian Croats and Serbs see this idea as a major threat to the 1995 Dayton peace accord, which ended the 1992-5 war and established the country as a loose federation of two autonomous entities, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska.

The settlement also gave all three main ethnic groups in the country strong mechanisms to protect their respective national interests.

Croats and Serbs see any proposals to centralise and reorganise Bosnia into “regions” as a direct attack on the autonomy the Dayton settlement granted them.

Calls for a “civic-oriented” society, which would effectively mean a one man-one vote system, are seen as another attempt by the Bosniaks – who make more than 50 per cent of the population – to outvote and so dominate the Croats and Serbs.

The Serbian member of Bosnia’s presidency, SNSD leader Milorad Dodik, said the SDA document was “leading towards the independence of Republika Srpska and its unification with Serbia”.

Miodrag Linta, the Serbian parliament’s official in charge of diaspora matters, called it an “informal declaration of war” on Republika Srpska.

Dragan Covic, leader of the main Bosnian Croat party, the Croatian Democratic Union, HDZ, also condemned the declaration as “unacceptable and risky”.

Interestingly, the SDA declaration was also criticised by the Office of the High Representative, OHR, which represents the international community in Bosnia, and the US embassy.

“This type of rhetoric does not attempt to solve the everyday problems of the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina but further inflames existing political tensions,” the embassy stated, adding that the declaration contained “unhelpful and divisive political positions”.

SDA leader Izetbegovic tried to calm the situation by saying the declaration only reflected the SDA’s long-term goals, which it had outlined before, adding that its preamble also presumed a broad political consensus on any future constitutional changes.

In fact, the SDA’s 2019 declaration was a spitting image of the declaration it adopted at its congress in May 2009, when the party also pledged to establish a civic-oriented republic made up of economic regions.

The 2009 declaration caused little drama, however, mainly because Bosnia’s political divisions were then less deep than they are today.

Izetbegovic and other SDA officials also pointed out that SDA’s 2019 declaration was not as nearly radical as some of the SNSD’s own declarations, such as the one it adopted at its fifth congress on April 25, 2015.

In that, the SNSD threatened to call a referendum on the independence of the RS by 2018. After receiving some local and international criticism, that declaration was mostly forgotten, until SDA’s own document revived the debate.

Winners and losers from zero-sum game

Some local commentators say the latest exchange between SNSD and SDA leaders is just populist froth, fuelled by the two parties in their endless struggle to score points among their voters.

Others suspect the parties may even have agreed a secret deal, to provide each other with material for such games.

Others again contend that all this has little effect on the situation in Bosnia, where a state of political crisis has become a way of life.

But experts and diplomats do worry that political divisions risk spilling over once again into violence. And even without new violence, Bosnia seems to face a grim future, since more and more citizens – including entire families – are leaving the country, seeking a future in the EU or elsewhere.

These experts say continued political tensions only benefit politicians like Dodik and Covic who openly propagate the break-up and gradual disappearance of Bosnia.

They also say that these quarrels are clearly hurting Bosnia, which is why Bosniaks – who have no other homeland – should choose different tactics , which is why the latest SDA statement looks so irrational and counterproductive.

By joining in the politics of constant blockades, quarrels and zero-sum games, they say Bosniak politicians have not only contributed to weakening the country but also lost the sympathy they once enjoyed in the US and EU.

Some Bosniak politicians are now seen there as just as destructive as the most radical Bosnian Croat or Serb leaders, and as damaging to Bosnia as Serbian nationalists were to the former Yugoslavia in 1990s.

Besides Dodik and Covic, another obvious winner from the recent escalation of Bosnia’s crisis is Serbia’s President, Aleksandar Vucic. As tensions soared following the SDA declaration, Vucic convened a meeting of all the main parties from Republika Srpska in Belgrade on September 22, where he again posed as regional peacemaker and as the only Serbian leader able to rein in Dodik.

“They [Bosniaks] want Bosnia and Herzegovina only for themselves,” Dodik told a joint press conference after the meeting, calling on Serbia to protect the RS and threatening to launch new separatist initiatives through the RS assembly.

Vucic spoke in a more subdued and forlorn tone, avoiding direct comment on the SDA declaration and urging all Bosnian Serb politicians to restrain themselves.

“Any [new] conflict would mean the economic end, economic collapse for all of us. It would mean the end of a good future for all of us,” Vucic told the same press conference, speaking after Dodik.

Bosnia’s crisis – and the opportunity to intervene in it – came at a good moment for Vucic, who this year has faced more criticism from the US, the EU and Russia over his East-West balancing act.

Bosnia’s drama put Vucic back in the Western focus, which was already shown on August 22, when Vucic was invited to New York to meet US State Secretary Michael Pompeo. The situation in Bosnia and the region was one of the main topics of that meeting, Bosnian Serb officials said.

Since then, Vucic has met several senior US and EU officials in Belgrade, and others in New York, on the margins of the UN General Assembly.

Vucic’s mediation will continue on October 8, when Belgrade will host a trilateral meeting including Bosnia’s tripartite presidency – reinforced with SDA leader Izetbegovic – and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Europe and US at odds over Balkan problems

Some Bosnian Serb sources say Vucic himself may have contributed to Bosnia’s tensions over the past two months by encouraging Dodik’s frustrations and radical statements, hoping to regain some of his previous importance as a regional peace broker.

Vucic’s main likely motive, however, was to strengthen his position before a new round of talks between Serbia and Kosovo, which is expected to start after Kosovo holds snap elections on October 6.

Resumption of the stalled EU-led Serbia-Kosovo dialogue is a priority task for Deputy Assistant Secretary Matthew Palmer, who on August 31 was appointed special US envoy for the Western Balkans.

One reason why the US has again decided to appoint a special Balkan envoy is its growing frustration with the EU, and its wish to establish better, more direct, communications with key EU actors, US officials said.

Many US, and even some EU officials, agree that the outgoing EU foreign affairs chief, Federica Mogherini, mishandled the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue, as well as other Balkan issues like Bosnia.

American and Balkan leaders are also frustrated by the fact that EU member countries remain at odds with each other over enlargement, and other issues related to the Balkan crisis.

US and EU policies were – and remain – divided over modalities of the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue, especially over the issue of possible exchanges of territories between Serbia and Kosovo, which the Serbian and Kosovo presidents, Vucic and Hashim Thaci, have both accepted in principle.

While US and Russian leaders seemed willing to accept a land swap as part of a resolution of the Serbia-Kosovo dispute, Germany then blocked the talks between Vucic and Thaci that were going in that direction earlier this year almost singlehandedly.

Although the Serbia-Kosovo dialogue is expected to reconvene later this year, there are no indications that America, the EU or any other international actors have any new ideas that would break the deadlock.

The West’s divisions over the Balkans were also exposed during the latest crisis in Bosnia, when US and some EU officials criticized the SDA declaration while most EU countries said nothing.

Some EU and EU member countries’ officials said privately that the country portrayed by the SDA declaration would be more in line with key EU principles than the current Bosnia is.

Some elements of the SDA declaration do indeed reflect the reforms outlined in the Opinion on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s EU membership, which the EU published in May this year.

That opinion, as well as America’s focus on restarting the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue, may be unintentionally setting the stage for a new clash between EU countries, the US and Russia.

Serbian ally Moscow opposes any further centralization of Bosnia, as well as the reopening of the Belgrade-Pristina talks outside of the UN Security Council, where Russia can directly influence the process.

In all this turmoil, the EU – and the Balkans – seem to be the biggest losers, since EU institutions and officials are becoming increasingly circumvented in negotiations in which US, Russian or EU member countries’ diplomats now take the lead.

This is bad news for both the EU and the Balkans, since the promise of EU enlargement remains the only incentive that might gradually calm the volatile region and establish the base for its long-term stability.

Without this incentive – which the EU has now effectively removed from the table – Balkan tensions will likely only continue to mingle with divisions that exist among the US, EU member countries and Russia.

Some officials fear that, in the absence of the EU enlargement perspective, or another new and realistic idea or plan for the Balkans, the enfolding drama in the region will sooner or later come down to an exchange of territories, not only between Serbia and Kosovo but also including Bosnia and its Serb-dominated entity.

Few believe this can happen without a new, all-out, Balkan war.
https://balkaninsight.com/2019/09/30/bo ... wer-games/

Y sí, en mi opinión, después de 20 años de finalizar las guerras de los Balcanes, y viendo que la situación continúa estancada, quizá "los que mandan" (USA y becarios) deberían empezar a pensar si la solución no debería pasar por los necesarios reajustes territoriales.

Entre Serbia y Kosovo, por un lado, y, por otro, en Bosnia, permitiendo que la República Srpska se una a Serbia, los croatas decidan si quieren unirse a Croacia y los bosníacos construyan su propio Estado.
Última edición por skye el 03 Oct 2019 11:38, editado 1 vez en total.
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skye
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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por skye » 03 Oct 2019 11:35

Y añado otra cosa:

Los focos casi siempre están puestos en el conflicto entre Kosovo y Serbia, pero la verdadera madeja en los Balcanes es el futuro de Bosnia, mucho más que Kosovo.

USA y becarios (por "becarios", entiendo UK, Alemania, Francia, etc.) empujando para que Bosnia ingrese en la NATO (a lo que se oponen fieramente los serbo-bosnios) a la vez que quieren debilitar a la entidad serbia de Bosnia, la Republica Srpska, mientras que los serbobosnios se agarran a los acuerdos de paz de Dayton, con los que finalizó la guerra de Bosnia y se estructuró el Estado bosnio. Los croatas, por su parte, luchan por mantener la cabeza por encima del agua y no verse ahogados por la marea bosníaca (los bosnios musulmanes, que son mayoría) con los que los han metido. Rusia, por su parte, defensora de los intereses de Serbia y de los serbios en la región. Y es importante, porque Rusia (y China) tienen derecho de veto en el Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU y las soluciones tienen que pasar también por el visto bueno de estos dos países.

Por ahora, y cuando se cumple un año desde que se celebraron las últimas elecciones a nivel estatal, Bosnia continúa sin gobierno porque los bosníacos quieren avanzar hacia la integración en la NATO y los serbo-bosnios no están por la labor, de manera que está bloqueada la formación de gobierno.

Y apunto algo más: Serbia está jugando bien sus bazas diplomáticas. Serbia es el país más grande de los Balcanes y es un factor clave en la estabilidad de la región. Las Administraciones demócratas de Estados Unidos dieron carpetazo al asunto de Kosovo, pensando que era un asunto cerrado y a Serbia sólo le quedaba reconocer esa realidad y a Kosovo como Estado independiente. Sin embargo, la realidad ha demostrado que no era así. Kosovo continúa sin ser reconocido como tal por muchísimos Estados y tiene bloqueada su admisión en muchísimas organizaciones internacionales. Es decir, que necesita que Serbia, quizá no mediante el mecanismo del reconocimiento como tal, pero sí al menos que levante el veto (detrás de Serbia está Rusia también). Es decir, Kosovo tiene que llegar a algún tipo de acuerdo con Serbia. Y está claro también que en ese futuro acuerdo, Kosovo tendrá que "dar algo" a Serbia a cambio de esa disposición de Serbia. Es decir, no sirve el Kosovo gana todo y Serbia no gana nada.

Y esa realidad es algo de lo que afortunadamente se ha dado cuenta la Administración republicana en Estados Unidos, mucho más abierta a soluciones inclusivas, que las Administraciones demócratas, muy marcadas por un sentimiento anti-serbio muy fuerte (hola, Sr. Biden, ¿le recuerdo algunas de sus declaraciones sobre Serbia?).
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Re: Ramush Haradinaj, Primer Ministro de Kosovo, dimite tras ser citado por Tribunal de La Haya por crímenes de guerra

Mensaje por skye » 03 Oct 2019 12:00

Y otro artículo interesante. Este sobre la figura de Richard Holbrooke. Para el que se pierda, fue el diplomático americano responsable de la firma de los Acuerdos de Dayton, que finalizaron la guerra de Bosnia. Una figura muy polémica, con tantos admiradores como personas que le llegaron a odiar. Casi a partes iguales. En cualquier caso, una figura de referencia de la diplomacia USA de los últimos 50 años.

Richard Holbrooke: Present at the Demise of U.S. Foreign Policy

President Barack Obama and the Guardian described him as “a true giant of American foreign policy.” Others, including the Economist, described him as the most influential and effective American diplomat of his generation. Richard Holbrooke was certainly present at most of the hot spots of his era: a young diplomat serving in Vietnam during the Vietnam War as well as part of the United States negotiating team in Paris; ambassador to Germany during its reunification; the leader who held out the carrot and brandished the stick that finalized the Dayton Agreement ending the Bosnian War, and the special representative of the United States to Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Whether he was “a true giant” depends on your perspective. George Packer’s account of Holbrooke’s career, Our Man: Richard Holbrooke and the End of the American Century, tells the story of two failures – the inability of Holbrooke to become Secretary of State and the inability of the United States to continue its post-World War II domination. Packer weaves together Holbrooke’s overwhelming ambition and arrogance with U.S. foreign policy.

Packer’s recounting of Holbrooke’s career is in stark contrast to Dean Acheson’s autobiography of his years in the State Department (Present at the Creation: My Years in the State Department) during the United States’ successful domination of the post-World War II world order. Holbrooke was present at the demise of American hegemony. And unlike Acheson, he was never able to get the one job he most coveted, Secretary of State.

The title of Packer’s book summarizes it all. Richard Holbrooke was “Our Man.” He, like those Baby Boomers born in the euphoria after World War II, was supremely confident that he and the United States had all the answers to how the world should be governed. Holbrooke’s personal ambitions came from his belief that his diplomatic successes would be in the world’s best interest; a clear win-win situation. Across the globe, from Asia to Western Europe to the Balkans, Holbrooke and the United States sought to impose their system. Before Francis Fukuyama’s triumphantly theorized the end of history, Richard Holbrooke incarnated the hubris of American exceptionalism.

What makes Packer’s book so instructive is the sheer force of Holbrooke’s character, the arrogance of never once calling into question his motives or the consequences of his actions, including trying to seduce his best friend’s wife. Full steam ahead, Holbrooke and the United States tried to remake the world in their image.

Ask the French about Vietnam? Hell no. Divide the Balkans in a form of ethnic cleansing in order to stop the shooting? Whatever it takes. Cajole and negotiate with Slobodan Milosevic in a Midwest air force base like a used car salesman desperate to make a deal? Don’t confuse means and ends, it’s only the bottom line that counts.

If Donald Trump is the ultimate anti-diplomacy president, Richard Holbrooke was the ultimate anti-diplomacy diplomat. When he was introduced by President Obama at the State Department as the special representative for Afghanistan/Pakistan, he stepped forward before colleagues, before the President and Secretary of State, with no prepared statement. Unlike George Mitchell who read an elegant presentation after being introduced as special envoy to the Middle East, the unprepared Holbrooke slowly stepped forward, gloating in the moment of returning to the place where he had so often been cast aside. He looked out at the crowd and pointed; “I see…my former roommate in Saigon, John Negroponte, here. We remember those days well. And I hope we will produce a better outcome this time.”

The royal we, just like Packer’s Our Man. He thought he represented us all. He, Richard Holbrooke was the embodiment of America, warts and all. “Produce a better outcome”? As if whatever lessons were learned in Vietnam could help further the imposition of the American way of life on the rest of the world, never once considering that the very act of imposing was the problem.

I met Holbrooke years ago at a conference in Switzerland. As he came through the hotel entrance, he looked down at me, literally and figuratively and asked: “Young man, do you know who I am? Where is the red carpet?”

“Holbrooke,” I replied. “I know who you are and that is why there is no red carpet.” He let out a primal scream.

Packer’s book begins by asking “Do you mind if we hurry through the early years?” We don’t mind because the message of the book is Holbrooke/U.S. diplomacy. Whatever personal stories Packer includes complement the arrogant/hubris image of the man and the country he served.

What will Holbrooke be remembered for? No doubt the signing of the Dayton Agreement that ended the 1992-1995 war and the siege of Sarajevo. The Agreement was supposed to be temporary. A later, final agreement was to restore multiethnicity in the former Yugoslavia. What do we have today? A plaque on Sarajevo’s City Hall that reads: “On this Place Serbian Criminals in the night of 25th-26th August 1992 Set on Fire National and University’s Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina …Do Not Forget, Remember and Warn!” Or a school in Travnik that is divided between Croats and Bosnians, divided even by the colors on the outside of the building; the Croat side is blue, the Bosnian side is yellow.

On the pavement of a street in Sarajevo is written: “Sarajevo Meeting of Cultures.” Sarajevo was supposed to be a successful multi-ethnic Jerusalem of the Balkans, a city hospitable to all cultures. Sarajevo was the poster child of multiethnicity.

While Holbrooke was able to stop the fighting by the Agreement, he was unable to establish a deeper reconciliation. The tragedy of Holbrooke, like the tragedy of Henry Luce’s American Century, is the overwhelming impulse to control the immediate. Only supreme personal and national confidence could allow this. Holbrooke represented the American way. He/we seem incapable of understanding the deeper currents of culture, the deeper lessons of history, the limits of what can and cannot be done.

Even Holbrooke, in a moment of rare humility understood the limits of the Dayton Agreement. In his memoir, To End a War, he asked: “Did Dayton bring peace to Bosnia, or only the absence of war?…Can Bosnia survive as a single multiethnic country, as called for in Dayton, or will it eventually divide into two or three ethnically based states?”

Acheson’s Present at the Creation implies an American divine right that was the marching order of the States Department from 1945 onwards. Holbrooke’s death in 2010 was more than just his death. If he was generally acknowledged to be the leading American diplomat of his generation, his death also symbolized the death of his style of overwhelming diplomacy and the ultimate failures of post-World War II U.S. foreign policy. Holbrooke, John Negroponte and their contemporaries like John Bolton have never produced a better outcome.

And the reign of Donald Trump is a fitting end to that era.
https://www.counterpunch.org/2019/10/01 ... gn-policy/
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